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The case of Albanians in Southern Serbia local governments cannot do much about it. The fact that Albanian cannot be used in practice in many spheres of communication has also a gender aspect. It is especially a problem for Albanian women and children who often know very little Serbian, while the men in general have a good command of Serbian.


It would not only improve their employment situation, but as a positive side effect it would provide the opportunity to implement the official use of Albanian more widely. Nevertheless, in general, responsibility would lie more with local authorities for fulfilling the need for integration and official language use of Albanian, and the Serbian state would be less easily blamed for the lack of progress. One solution could be the delegation of these functions to municipal local governments, while the state could still sustain its control over the lawfulness and appropriateness of the conduct of these functions.

At the same time, local authorities could have an influence over employment practices in these institutions, as is the case in Macedonia. If the Serbian state insists on main­taining the district-level administration system, then it should be a priority to achieve proportionate representation of Albanians and other minorities in these institutions.

It would be also desirable to define districts corresponding to the needs of national minorities; in this case, the three municipalities of Preševo Valley could constitute one single district.

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However, full implementation of language rights would re­ quire further action by the state, besides decentralization. Economic situation Preševo Valley has been traditionally an economically neglected region in Serbia, with per capita income of less than one-third the Serbian average.

A lot of villages even today lack electricity, piped water, telephone and surfaced roads. In the last few years international donors have invested a lot of money in the local infrastructure, while the Serbian government gave most funding to the municipality of Medveða, which is the only Serb-majority area in the Valley.

This kind of investment policy of the state not only makes Albanians feel like second-class citizens of Serbia, but also remains a continued source of disappointment and instability. Municipal local governments have been left out of the process, and Serbs took control of lucrative firms with the help of the centrally-controlled Privatisation Agency. According to local analysts, Albanians do not have equal chances to purchase companies.

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While in other parts of Serbia most firms have been sold already, in Preševo Valley very few companies have been privatised since At the same time, local municipal governments do not have many tools at their disposal to attract investment.

They can offer breaks from local taxes, yet they cannot offer property for investors, since all public property is owned by the state. Therefore, increasing the role of local governments in local economic 32 ICG Report,op.

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The mu­nicipality of Vladičin Han and the BIA put political pressure on the Agency for Pri­va­ti­ sation to annul the auction, because Nexhat Beluli, an Albanian businessman from Buja­ no­vac, wanted to buy it. Nevertheless, as long as Kosovo remains in a legal limbo, southern Serbia will not be perceived as a stable environment, and investors will probably keep away.

Other corrective measures needed Besides the problems discussed above, which can be to some nemzeti ajánlások type sugger diaband associated with the lack of sufficient local autonomy, there are further concerns that could be addressed through means other than decentralization. Such issues are related to education, refugee return and the presence of armed forces in the Valley that keep fuelling resentment among the local population.

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Education Preševo has eight Albanian primary schools, one Serbian and a mixed high school. Bujanovac has six primary schools and one high school, two of which are Serbian.

A peculiar situation emerged in which diplomas received at Kosovar universities are accepted in practice sinceyet there has been no official decision in terms of legislation in Serbia. The use of textbooks brought from Kosovo is allowed in practice, yet the curricula have not been harmonised with Serbian curricula.

Moreover, which particular books will be approved depends on ad hoc decisions of civil servants in Belgrade.

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On the whole, due to the lack of official regulation, the recognition of diplomas and permitting the use of textbooks depend on the goodwill of the central authorities.

This is not an ideal solution, since it keeps the Albanian minority vulnerable to the political mood of the central 34 ICG Report,op.

Refugee return Another grievance of local Albanians is the fact that many who fled the area to Kosovo during the conflict in cannot return. They cannot go back either because UNMIK papers are not recognised in Serbia or because most of the houses that were destroyed during the conflict have not been rebuilt.

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Around 3, people from Bujanovac live as IDPs internally displaced persons in Kosovo currently, most of them in Gjilanje. Not only the policies of Milose- vic, but economic hardships also cukorbetegség új kezelési mass emigration to Kosovo and to Western Europe, which was also characteristic of other minority communities in Serbia, such as the Hungarians.

In the former Yugoslavia, there were no borders between Serbia, Kosovo and Macedonia, and Albanians living along these three borders fostered intense social links with each other. A report commissioned by Freedom House38 urged the Serbian and the Kosovar governments, to improve economic ties and free movement of people along the Serbian-Kosovar border with the assistance of the European Union, which nemzeti ajánlások type sugger diaband require a change in trade and visa regimes in both countries.

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